He once rebuked billionaires for not paying enough taxes. Now this historian says we need ‘moral ambition’ to fight tyranny

It is one of the most inspiring photographs in modern history, one that reveals the worst and best of human nature with a click of a camera shutter. It is a black-and-white image of a crowd of workers at a shipbuilding factory in Nazi Germany. It shows hundreds of them tightly packed in virtual military formation, extending a Nazi salute to Adolf Hitler — all except for one man. He stands in the middle of the throng, coolly defiant, with his arms folded across his chest and a sour look on his face. Historians have debated the identity and fate of the man in the photo, which was taken in 1936. But the Dutch historian Rutger Bregman uses the image in his new book to ask two questions: What innate characteristic enabled that man to resist the fear the Nazi state instilled in so many of its citizens? And what can people today learn from him, and others who are fighting new forms of state-sponsored fear? Bregman says one antidote to that fear is “moral ambition.” It’s his term for people who blend the idealism of an activist with the ruthless pragmatism of an entrepreneur to make the world a better place. In his new book, “Moral Ambition: Stop Wasting Your Talent and Start Making a Difference,” Bregman uses the example of that German shipyard worker and other ordinary people to critique what he sees as a common failing of people on the left: They fall for the “illusion of awareness,” a belief that simply exposing people to injustice will inspire them to act. “Awareness doesn’t put food on the table. Awareness won’t keep a roof over your head,” writes Bregman, a vegan who has spoken out against animal factory farming. “With awareness, you don’t cool down the planet, you’re not finding shelter for those 100 million refugees, and you won’t make a bit of difference for the 100 billion animals at factory farms worldwide. Awareness is at best a starting point, while for many activists, it seems to have become the end goal.” Bregman has built a global audience by making others face uncomfortable truths. He shot to prominence following his 2017 TED talk about overcoming poverty by offering a universal basic income. Two years later, he went viral at a 2019 Davos panel discussion for his scathing rebuke of billionaires for not paying their fair share of taxes. (“Taxes, taxes, taxes. All the rest is bullsh** in my opinion,” he said). In a conversation from his home in New York City, Bregman spoke to CNN about why the Black Lives Matter movement failed to generate transformational change, why he gets most of his criticism from the left, and how his parents — Peta, an activist and special needs teacher, and his father, Kees, a minister — inspire his work. His remarks were edited for brevity and clarity. You start your book with the story of the German man who refused to give the Nazi salute. What’s the difference between those who gave in to fear and those who didn’t? And what can we learn from them today? As a young boy, I was already obsessed with the Second World War. The country in which I grew up, the Netherlands, was occupied by the Nazis. I always wondered, what would I have done? There’s huge literature around the people who actually did something. I was interested in the psychology of these resistance heroes. I thought that they were more altruistic, or maybe more extroverted, or maybe they have had certain privileges in the sense that sometimes you need resources to do the right thing. But none of that turned out to be true. It turns out that resistance heroes were really a cross-section of the population: rich, poor, young, old, left-wing, right-wing. A group of researchers looked at the evidence and said, hey, wait a minute, there is actually one thing that seems to be going on here. In 96% of all cases, when people were asked to join the resistance, they said yes. And then I had a epiphany. This (the resistance) was actually an idea that was spreading, almost like a pandemic. People were inspiring each other. This also explains why the resistance was a very local phenomenon; it wasn’t evenly distributed over the country. People gave each other courage. That’s super simple, but I think it’s a quite profound lesson for us today. We often imagine that people do good things because they are good people. But it’s exactly the other way around. You do good things, and that makes you a good person. You just got to get started or be inspired by others, and that’s how you get there. Critics say the Trump administration is placing tremendous pressure on corporations, universities, law firms and others to bend the knee. Some of them have agreed to policy changes, and others, like Harvard University, are fighting back. As a historian, how do you see this dynamic playing out? Resistance is incredibly important. My fellow historian, Timothy Snyder, always says that we should not obey in advance, right? We shouldn’t, even before the order goes out, start behaving as if we live in an authoritarian system. I was very glad to see Harvard show some courage, especially after the very cowardly behavior of some of the big law firms. Acts of resistance can be highly contagious, just as cowardice can be contagious. As a historian, I’m reminded of other periods in our history. It’s often said that we live in a second Gilded Age (a tumultuous period of shocking income inequality and concentration of corporate power in the US). And if I look at the first one in the late 19th century, I see very similar things. I see an incredible amount of immorality and amount of political corruption. I see elites that were utterly detached from the realities of ordinary people’s lives. But what gives me hope is that after the Gilded Age came the Progressive Era, with people like Theodore Roosevelt, a Harvard graduate (and a powerful progressive reformer), someone who grew up in a privileged environment. And then so many things happened in such a short period of time that were unthinkable: the (introduction of) income tax, labor and environmental regulations, the shorter work week, the breakup of big monopolies and corporate power. It was quite incredible. I’m not predicting that this will happen or anything like that, but I do think it is time for a countercultural revolution. It should be led by people from the bottom up, but also very much by elites who have a certain sense of noblesse oblige (the belief that people with wealth and power should help the less fortunate). This is really what you see in the progressive period. Take Alva Vanderbilt. She used to be this pretty decadent woman who was married to Cornelius Vanderbilt. She wanted to get into the Four Hundred, the most wealthy and elite families in New York. But then her husband died, and she did the same thing as MacKenzie Scott (the ex-wife of Amazon founder Jeff Bezos. She turned into an activist and became one of the main financiers of the women’s rights movement. This (the Progressive era) was very much a revolt among elites who were just utterly fed up with the total decadence, immorality, and also frankly the unseriousness of the people who were in power. I see the exact same thing today. At some point, it’s time to get fed up with it and provide an alternative. But that really starts with doing the work yourself. There’s a sense of optimism about what ordinary people can achieve that runs through your books and essays. One journalist recently described you as a professional optimist. Do you accept that that description? I’m too much of a historian to be a real optimist. I know that things can go downhill very quickly. If you study Germany in the 1930s or the 1920s, you see a society that is one of the most civilized and technologically advanced countries in the world. There was this idiot named Adolf Hitler, but most people didn’t take him seriously. We are living through an extraordinary moment. The next five to 10 years are going to be incredibly important for the future of the whole human race. The Industrial Revolution in 1750 was the most important thing that happened in all of human history. We are living through a similar moment. It’s easy to see the dystopian possibilities, and I really do not want to dismiss them. But at the same time, some of the utopian possibilities that I sketch out in my first book, ‘Utopia for Realists,’ which were often dismissed as quite naïve — they become more realistic by the day. Dario Amodei, the CEO of Anthropic, says that 50% of entry-level jobs could be gone five years from now (because of AI). We are going to have to rethink so many basic aspects of the social contract. This whole idea that you have to work for your money, that you’re not a valuable human person if you don’t have a job — we have to get rid of that idea quite soon, because it’s going to be very cruel to hang on to that if we keep automating our jobs so quickly. All of this could lead to some wonderful utopian possibilities. We will finally be able to ditch the whole idea that you have to work for a living. Then we will finally be able to figure out what life is all about. Will we get it right? I don’t know. You write about the ‘illusion of awareness’ in your book. Was that part of the problem with the racial justice movement in this country? Yes, I’m afraid so. I spend a lot of time studying the civil rights movement, and what really strikes me about that movement is just how effective it was in translating awareness into tangible results. They got these huge packages of legislation through Congress that made such a massive, tangible difference in the lives of real people. And then look at Black Lives Matter. It’s incredibly impressive on one hand — it was the biggest protest movement in the history of the United States. But then look at the actual results. It’s not nothing — some police forces changed a little bit. But compared to the amount of energy around that movement, it’s been pretty disappointing. Protesters have been rallying across the United States since the death of George Floyd, an unarmed Black man who was killed in police custody in Minneapolis.Anger poured through communities as video of Floyd's last moments began circulating in May. Floyd was pleading for help as he was pinned down, saying he couldn't breathe.The incident recalls the 2014 death of Eric Garner, who uttered the words "I can't breathe" while in an officer's chokehold in New York. Since Garner's death, the phrase has become a rallying cry in the Black Lives Matter movement.Floyd's death has reignited a national conversation about race, police brutality and social injustice. There have been calls to defund the police, and protesters have been tearing down statues of men who once championed or traded in slavery.The demonstrations have been largely peaceful, but some cities have seen instances of violence, with protesters clashing with police and stores being looted and burned. In Atlanta, weeks after Floyd's death, protesters set fire to a fast-food restaurant where police fatally shot Rayshard Brooks on June 12. Brooks' shooting led to a police officer being fired and the police chief resigning. This is not true for BLM alone. It’s true for many protest movements of the last two decades. And this is probably because in this online era, it’s easy to start up the empathy and the anger. We see it in Los Angeles (where people are protesting the Trump administration’s sweeping immigration crackdown) right now. You get people out in the streets very quickly. But is there an actual plan, an actual strategy? Changing the world is very difficult. It takes enormous perseverance, and coalition building, which is quite difficult. You have an online environment where people are calling each other out all the time over purity politics. I often find it funny but also depressing that I get the most criticism from my friends on the left. What are they criticizing you for? It can be all kinds of things. I’m currently building an organization called the School for Moral Ambition. We are building fellowships for ambitious, talented people to take on some of these very pressing global issues, whether that’s animal factory farming or tax avoidance by billionaires. But that stuff needs to be financed. So we work with groups like Patriotic Millionaires, for example — wealthy people who say, hey, tax me more. But for some on the left, it’s like, ewww, you’re working with rich people. In my book, I talk about the noble loser, those people who like to say, ‘I stood on the right side of history. We didn’t vote for Kamala (Harris), because Kamala was pro-Israel.’ Well, look what that got us. Whether we’re talking about people who are currently suffering in Palestine, animals who are suffering or people who are being oppressed — they don’t care if you’re right. They want you to win. Your father is a minister. When I read your books and essays, they sound in some ways like a sermon — not in a bad way, but in that you’re trying to rouse people to moral action. Has your father’s occupation shaped your work? I think so. I’ve always been very proud of my dad. I remember very well sitting in church, looking at my dad, and thinking he has the coolest job. I looked at my friends, and one’s dad was an accountant and another was a marketer. And my dad is a minister, who talked about the biggest questions of life. I don’t give the same answers (as him) to all those questions, even though I think we’ve become closer philosophically and spiritually as I got older. But I’ve always believed that those are the right questions to ask. We have only one life on this precious planet, and it’s very short. No matter how rich we get, we can never buy ourselves more time. A lot of my secular and progressive friends love to dunk on religion, and sometimes for good reasons. But I’ve always appreciated those parts of religion that force us to reckon with the bigger questions of what life is actually about. Your latest book is dedicated to your mom. How has she shaped your work? My mother is an incredible woman. She is the only one who keeps getting arrested in our family. The other day she was arrested again as a 68-year-old climate activist. For her, it’s always been very natural and logical to live in line with your own ideals. A lot of people think certain things, but they don’t act on it. Many of my friends on the left care so much about poverty and inequality, and then I’ll ask, ‘How much do you donate to effective charities?’ and very often, the answer is nothing. What I’ve learned from my mother is that you can just do what you say. She’s also never been afraid to use the power of shame. A lot of people say that shaming is toxic, and I tend to disagree. I think there’s a reason why we humans are pretty much the only species in the whole animal kingdom with the ability to blush. How did your parents react to you shaming billionaires at Davos? They thought it was hilarious. Those are the moments when I make my mother proud. John Blake is a CNN senior writer and author of  the award-winning memoir, “More Than I Imagined: What a Black Man Discovered About the White Mother He Never Knew.”