The Guardian view on Trump bombing Iran: an illegal and reckless act | Editorial

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"US Airstrike on Iran's Nuclear Facilities Raises Legal and Ethical Concerns"

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Following the recent US airstrike on Iran's nuclear facilities, President Donald Trump quickly proclaimed victory, stating that the facilities were 'completely and totally obliterated.' His assertion was echoed by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and supporters in the US, who praised the action as brave and effective. However, US military leaders, such as Dan Caine, cautioned that it was too early to assess the full implications of the strike. The uncertainty surrounding the impact of the attack raises critical questions about whether this action has truly hindered Iran's nuclear ambitions or if it might instead provoke a more aggressive pursuit of nuclear weapons. Furthermore, the potential for Iranian retaliation looms large, raising concerns about escalating regional conflicts and the broader consequences of this military engagement.

The airstrike, justified by the US under the premise of self-defense, faces significant criticism for potentially breaching international law. The UN Secretary-General, António Guterres, has warned of impending catastrophe in the Middle East and advocates for diplomacy as the only viable resolution to the conflict. Trump's administration, which has distanced itself from previous diplomatic efforts, risks deepening the crisis rather than resolving it. The geopolitical landscape is further complicated by Israel's ongoing military actions and its aspirations for regime change in Iran. Observers note that the current trajectory could lead to a wider conflict, involving not just the US and Iran, but potentially drawing in European powers and other nations wary of the implications of preemptive military strikes. This situation underscores a troubling shift in global diplomatic norms, suggesting that nations engaging in negotiations may face severe repercussions while those pursuing aggressive military capabilities may evade consequences, thereby altering the balance of international relations for years to come.

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Donald Trump was predictably quick to claim victory followingthe illegalUS strike on Iran’s nuclear facilities: “Completely and totally obliterated,” he crowed. Benjamin Netanyahu in Israel and sycophants at home rushed to fawn over his “courageous” and “brilliant” decision. The most senior US military official, Dan Caine, offered amore muted assessment: it was “way too early” to know the full outcome despite severe damage. We cannot yet know whether the blow has ended Iran’s nuclear aspirations – or will spur it to pursue the bomb. It may be weeks or months, too, before Iranian retaliation plays out, with all its potential repercussions.

Two nuclear-armed states have gone to war on the unevidenced claim that a third state is on the verge of acquiring its own nuclear arms. In March, the US director of national intelligence, Tulsi Gabbard, said Iran was not building weapons (though she has now scrambled to align with Mr Trump).Israelis clear that its attacks will continue, and has increasingly talked of regime change. The price is being paid not only by a reviled regime but by the Iranian people.

Senior administration figures insisted that the US is solely focused on the nuclear programme. As a candidate, Mr Trump vowed to “stop the chaos in the Middle East” and “prevent world war three”. Yet the risk of regional conflagration is growing, and now he warns of “either peace or … tragedy for Iran” if it does not end uranium enrichment. Mr Netanyahulured him into this attackand may lead him into more, paying gushing tribute to a history-making president and thanking him on behalf of “the forces of civilisation”. Mr Trump described them as working together “like perhaps no team has ever worked before”.

Iran has been notably cautious since Israel’s attack began. The pillars of its security – its regional networks, missiles and nuclear programme – haveall suffered punishing blows. To do nothing invites further attack; to hit back – particularly by targeting US personnel in the region – courts disaster. Closethe strait of Hormuzand oil prices would soar. But that would hit Iran’s own exports and risk involving Gulf states. Russia and China condemned the US strike but are hardly rushing to offer Tehran assistance.

Israel’s strike – and the US’s – on Iran cannot bejustifiedunder international law’s self-defence doctrine. The UN secretary general, António Guterres, rightly warns of catastrophe in the Middle East, urging diplomacy as the only solution. Yet Mr Trump walked away from the Obama-overseen deal that slowed Iran’s programme, and now has struck Iran when it sought negotiation despite Israel’s attacks. Sir Keir Starmer, too,called for de-escalation and negotiation, though he backed the US strike. The US did not request British assistance – but the fear remains that European powers may be drawn into another criminal and disastrous war in the Middle East.

In rejecting diplomacy and choosing war, not only in breach of international law but at the behest of a country pursuing annihilation in Gaza, the US has delivered a resounding blow to the architecture of global affairs. It has signalled that countries that negotiate (Iran) face stark consequences, which those which rush to own the bomb (North Korea) can avoid. Its embrace of pre-emptive strikes is handy for Vladimir Putin, Xi Jinping and any leader who might want to carry out their own. Even if the immediate crisis in the Middle East can be contained, the cost of this reckless act may not be fully felt or comprehended for decades.

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Source: The Guardian