Nigel Farage’s Reform UK is now in charge of a number of councils across England, including 10 where it has overall control.
Itshaul of 677 council seatsalso means it is on the brink of power in at least four others where it emerged as the largest party. It also has two regional mayoralties – Greater Lincolnshire and Hull and East Yorkshire – with budgets and powers.
But the coming to power of the rightwing populist party also means, for the first time, that its promises to radically reshape Britain will be tested and felt by communities. Here are some of the areas where there could be change:
Major solar and wind energy projects face threats from Reform-controlled councils whose members are instinctively hostile to net zero policies.
“We will attack, we will hinder, we will delay, we will obstruct, we will put every hurdle in your way,” said the party’s deputy leader, Richard Tice, of such projects.
A solar farm in Romney Marsh, Kent, which could power 20% of homes in the county, is in the crosshairs of party, which controls the council. In Staffordshire, a proposed windfarm in the county’s moorlands area and a solar farm in Cheadle will be opposed.
But Reform’s plans will also meet hostility from within communities. In Greater Lincolnshire alone, net zero industries contribute about £980m to the local economy, accounting for 12,209 jobs,according to analysisby the Energy and Climate Intelligence Unit (ECIU).
Legally, the picture is also unclear. Reform could try to block pylons and large solar farms through the judicial review process, though the new planning and infrastructure bill aims to make the challenges harder.
Farage’sunsubstantiated claimsthat doctors are “massively over-diagnosing” children with mental illness and special educational needs has sparked fears that Reform UK councils could further restrict or make dramatic cuts to special educational needs and disabilities provision (Send).
The 10 councils where Reform have overall control are projected to have acombined deficitby March next year of £489m. It is as much as £95m in the case of Kent and £71m in Derbyshire.
Reform councils could call for changes to the law to reduce access to education, health and care plans, which are much sought after by families of some children after years of state underinvestment in education.
However, any moves to push for cuts or reshaping of policy also potentially risks sparking a backlash from both its own voters and splits within the party. Andrea Jenkyns, the mayor of Greater Lincolnshire, has spoken about her son having ADHD and appeared to contradict Farage. James McMurdock, a Reform MP in Essex, also cast himself as a champion of parents struggling to get Send support for children.
Reform councils who unlawfully try to restrict access to Send support will face the prospect of being challenged at tribunals by families.
In an echo of the axe taken by the Trump administration in the US, Farage has already warned: “If you are working in DEI or climate change then perhaps alternative employment is where you should be looking.”
The party’s hostility to “gender ideology” could have repercussions for councils working with charities such as Positive Health, which runs sexual health promotion, education and HIV training for Lincolnshire.
Any savings from cuts to supposed DEI-related schemes are likely to be minimal. Derbyshire and Lincolnshire have each pointed out they don’t have DEI schemes.
Farage has said that Reform-controlled councils will “resist” accepting any more asylum seekers, pitting then on a potential collision course with Westminster.
Zia Yusuf, the party’s chair, has also said its legal team is examining planning law mechanisms to challenge the use of hotels for asylum accommodation.
The moves would have consequences in places such as Kent, where the county council has been at the forefront of handling provision for unaccompanied minors.
But again the law would not be on the side of councils. The responsibility falls to the Home Office, which selects the hotels and contractors for the scheme.
Reform has said only the St George and union flag will be flown at council property, although it backtracked when it came to the question of county flags.
The policy appeared to be aimed at the flying of rainbow flags in solidarity with LGBT+ people and to celebrate Pride. It would also spell the end of councils flying Ukrainian flags, serving as a reminder that Farage has frequently been accused by Labour of “fawning” over Vladimir Putin.
Other potential culture wars could arise over council funding of museums or galleries with exhibitions that are deemed to denigrate Britain’s history or the empire.
Opposition to 15-minute cities – an urban planning concept that has become alightning rod for conspiracy theorists– and support for “pro-motorist” policies have long been red meat to Reform.
Farage lashed out in the local election campaign at “cycle lanes that no one uses” while Reform’s likely leader of Worcestershire county council, Alan Amos, claimed: “All the other parties have bent over backwards to please a small minority.”
At the same time, Amos was eager to emphasise that Reform was eager to support bus travel, a hot issue in a number of counties where Reform’s voter base has tended to be older.
When it comes to cycling, existing policies at many councils are already advanced while there is strong public support for cycling schemes.