As Australia campaigns for Cop31 hosting rights, it’s time to stop talking and start doing | Bill Hare

TruthLens AI Suggested Headline:

"Australia's Climate Leadership Under Scrutiny Ahead of COP31 Bid"

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TruthLens AI Summary

As Australia prepares for the upcoming mid-year climate talks in Bonn, officials are intensifying their lobbying efforts to secure the bid to host COP31. However, there are growing concerns about the government’s actual climate leadership amidst claims of insufficient progress on emissions reductions. Recent analyses indicate that Australia is not on track to meet its renewable energy targets, with its flagship industrial emissions policy deemed inadequate. The climate change and energy minister, Chris Bowen, has expressed hopes that hosting COP31 would signify a restoration of Australia’s leadership in climate policy, particularly after years marked by denial and inaction. Yet, critics argue that simply hosting the talks will not suffice; tangible actions must be taken to address the underlying issues, including a significant increase in the rate of emissions reductions, which currently stands at a mere 1.5%. To meet the government's 2030 emissions reduction target, this rate must nearly double to approximately 3% per year.

While the Albanese government has made some strides since taking office in 2022, such as tightening the safeguard mechanism to curb emissions from industry, it still faces significant challenges. For instance, emissions from various sectors are projected to exceed 2005 levels by 4.5% by 2030, contradicting the government's claims of being on track for a 42.6% reduction. Furthermore, Australia’s renewable energy target of 82% for the power sector by 2030 does not account for off-grid generation, which is prevalent in regions like Western Australia. This limitation translates to a more realistic target of 77% for the national grid. The government must also address barriers to renewable energy development, such as planning delays and grid bottlenecks, to ensure that it meets its targets. As Australia approaches the decision on COP31 hosting rights, it is clear that significant work remains to align its climate policies with international standards and to demonstrate genuine commitment to combating climate change.

TruthLens AI Analysis

The article sheds light on Australia’s bid to host COP31, emphasizing the need for action over mere discussion regarding climate leadership. While Australian officials prepare for climate talks in Bonn, the article questions the effectiveness of the government's current climate policies, which are deemed “insufficient” according to the latest Climate Action Tracker. The emphasis on Australia's inadequate progress in emission reductions and ongoing support for fossil fuels suggests a critical stance towards the government's claims of leadership.

Government's Climate Policies Under Scrutiny

The article critiques the Albanese government’s ability to achieve its emissions reduction targets. It highlights that despite claiming a path towards a 42.6% reduction by 2030, actual emissions have only seen a meager 1.5% reduction in the last two years. The high reliance on projected carbon sequestration from land use rather than substantial policy changes in the fossil fuel sector raises concerns about the sincerity of Australia's climate commitments.

Perception Management

There appears to be an attempt to manage public perception regarding Australia's climate leadership. By portraying the hosting of COP31 as a potential restoration of Australia’s climate status, the article implies that this could be more of a façade than a reflection of genuine climate action. The juxtaposition of government optimism with the stark reality of insufficient emission reductions serves to challenge the narrative presented by officials.

Hidden Agendas

While the article focuses on Australia’s climate policies, it may conceal broader implications about the global energy transition and the fossil fuel industry’s influence in Australia. The unwavering support for fossil fuel exports suggests a conflict between political ambitions and environmental responsibilities. This tension could be obscured by the focus on the COP31 hosting bid.

Manipulative Elements

The article has a critical tone, which could be seen as manipulative if it selectively presents information to bolster its argument against the government. It uses statistics and projections to paint a dire picture of the government’s climate efforts, potentially swaying public opinion against current policies without exploring any positive developments comprehensively.

Reliability of Information

The information presented seems reliable, as it references credible sources like the Climate Action Tracker and government emission figures. However, the framing of the data and the emphasis on negative aspects could lead to a skewed perception of the government's overall climate strategy.

The overall aim of the piece is to highlight the gap between political promises and actual performance in climate action. It calls for more substantial efforts rather than symbolic gestures like hosting international talks.

Unanalyzed Article Content

Australian officials are gearing up for next week’s mid-yearclimate talksin Bonn where they’ll be going full tilt lobbying other governments to support the bid to host next year’s COP31 negotiations. But can the government claim enough climate leadership?

Our latestClimate Action Trackershows the government’s efforts to cut emissions are still rated “insufficient”. Australia is not on track to meet its renewable energy target, its flagship industrial emissions policy is deficient, and its support for the fossil fuel industry – especially exports – remains unwavering.

The climate change and energy minister, Chris Bowen, has said getting the COP31 host honour wouldrestore Australia’s leadership on climate– after what have been many years of denial and delay – but it could equally serve to show the world how inadequate his policies are.

While the Albanese government has made some progress on climate policy since it came to power in 2022, restoring leadership won’t come from hosting climate talks; it means turning words into action on both domestic and international fronts.

The latest emissions inventory shows only a 1.5% reduction over the last two financial years, throwing this challenge into sharp relief – this rate needs to nearly double to 3% every year to reach the government target.

We have based our update for Australia on government projections from 2024. The federal government hasreleased emission figures for 2024, which were broadly similar.

The Albanese governmentclaims it is on trackfor emission reduction of 42.6% by 2030 from 2005 levels – close to the national 43% target. While this is partly the result of the renewables rollout, it’s mostly due to the increase in the projected carbon stored in the land by 2030, such as in soils and vegetation. Without the increase in projected 2030 land sequestration in the past three years, Australia would only record a 34.9% emission reduction.

Excluding the land and electricity sectors, emissions from all other economic sectors are projected to be 4.5% above 2005 levels in 2030.

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Australia’s 43% target is not aligned with the Paris agreement, which aims to keep global warming to no more than 1.5C. It should be at least 59%. The government also has yet to announce its 2035 emissions reduction target, well behind the February deadline. This needs to be at least 72% below 2005 levels.

The government’s 82% renewable energy target for the power sector by 2030 doesn’t cover off-grid generation, which mostly occurs in mining regions of Western Australia where connecting to the main grid is not feasible.These account for about 10%of Australia’s electricity generation. So the government’s target translates to only a 77% renewable power grid nationwide by 2030. And that’s assuming the target is met; the Climate Change Authorityhas warned that the renewables rollout must be acceleratedto make that happen.

Barriers to renewable energy development includeslow planning and environmental approval processes, grid bottlenecks, tighter markets for equipment and labour, a lack of community acceptance and state rollbacks of renewable energy targets or projects. Overcoming these problems is crucial and provide a strong case for the federal government legislating Australia’s renewable energy targets for 2030 and beyond. This would ensure it becomes a national standard and provides certainty for investors.

But the 2030 target is just one milestone on the way to 100% renewable electricity system by the late 2030s, andthis will requirenational coordination.

Labor has tightened its flagship policy to curb emissions from industry’s biggest polluters: the safeguard mechanism. Emissions from companies captured by the policyaccount for about 31%of Australia’s total emissions

The policy sets declining limits for how much facilities can emit with “net” emissions to decline to 100 MtCO2e by 2030, or 28.1% below 2023 levels, allowing companies to buy carbon offsets rather than make real emission reductions.

Offsets arenot equivalentto fossil fuel CO2 reductions and often do not represent real and permanent emissions reduction, asEnergy Australiawas forced to admit.

Allowing a company to buy carbon offsets means it does not change its on-site operations to be less polluting, delaying the structural change needed across high-emitting sectors to decarbonisewhich is criticalif climate goals are to be met.

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Our new analysis shows that, due to the use of carbon offsets, the companies could collectively reduce their actual emissions by only 2% by the end of this decade, from 2023 levels.

Fossil fuel projects in the approval and development pipeline threaten to swamp emissions reductions projected by the government out to 2030. This includes Woodside’s North West Shelf gas extension, which Labor has approved to operate until 2070 – decades beyond the point when Australia is meant to have reached net zero emissions.

Australia’s transport sector is set to become the country’s greatest source of emissions by 2030.

The national fuel efficiency standard introduced by Labor last term applies to new light vehicles. The standard should be extended to heavy vehicles to encourage a transition to electrification. Heavy vehicles accounted for 22% of Australia’s transport emissions last year and are expected to increase.

Australia’s electric vehicle uptake remains slow compared with other countries. The growth of Australia’s fast-charging network is not keeping pace with electric vehicle sales, which could limit uptake further.

It’s clear Australia must lift its domestic game to align with anything close to the Paris agreement goal of limiting global warming to 1.5C.

That would still leave the problem of emissions flowing from our fossil fuel exports, which, together with our domestic emissions, are responsible for about 4.5% of the global total.

After the first assessment of global action, governments agreed at COP28 in Dubai that the world needs to “transition away from fossil fuels in energy systems to achieve net zero”, a callstrongly supported by Bowen. But our analysis shows Australia’s fossil fuel exports are projected to remain close to recent levels through the next decade in official projections.

In the lead-up to the decision on hosting rights for the COP31 talks, Australia has much work to do to lift its climate game and ensure its policies withstand global scrutiny.

Bill Hare, a physicist and climate scientist, is the chief executive of Climate Analytics

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Source: The Guardian