A ‘strange dance’: media mogul Saad Mohseni on making TV under the Taliban

TruthLens AI Suggested Headline:

"Saad Mohseni Discusses Media Operations and Women's Representation Under Taliban Rule"

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TruthLens AI Summary

Saad Mohseni, the chief executive of Moby Group, Afghanistan's largest media conglomerate, is advocating for the inclusion of more female faces on television in a country where the Taliban's return has drastically diminished women's rights. He is currently negotiating with the Taliban to air a historical drama featuring women over the age of 50, a strategy aimed at circumventing strict regulations that prohibit the depiction of women who have not gone through menopause. Mohseni, who left Afghanistan during the chaotic U.S. withdrawal in 2021, has not returned since, concerned about the implications of endorsing the Taliban regime and the potential for being detained due to his media assets. Despite the oppressive environment, Moby has managed to survive and continue producing content within the confines of Taliban regulations, which include strict segregation of genders in the workplace and limitations on the portrayal of women in media.

The Taliban's hardline policies have forced Moby to adapt its programming significantly. Popular shows, such as 'Afghan Star,' have been canceled, and female presenters are required to cover their hair and faces. However, Mohseni has found a degree of latitude in news reporting, allowing journalists to cover critical issues, including the ban on girls' secondary education. The news channel has emphasized the importance of amplifying Afghan voices, including those advocating for girls' education, despite the Taliban's restrictions. Mohseni acknowledges the precarious nature of their current operations, warning that the situation could worsen as international engagement with Afghanistan declines. He believes that within the Taliban, there are factions with varying degrees of openness, and he hopes to engage with these more moderate elements to foster a more progressive environment for Afghan media and society.

TruthLens AI Analysis

The article explores the challenges faced by Saad Mohseni, a prominent media mogul in Afghanistan, as he navigates the complicated dynamics of running a television network under Taliban rule. Mohseni's desire to include more female representation in his programming, particularly through a proposed historical drama featuring women over the age of 50, highlights the absurdities of the Taliban's restrictions on women in public life. The article reveals the precarious balance between media operations and the hardline policies of the Taliban.

Media and Political Landscape

The current situation in Afghanistan depicts a stark contrast to the media freedom that existed prior to the Taliban’s resurgence in 2021. Mohseni’s Moby Group, once a symbol of progress, now must adapt to a regime that has systematically dismantled women’s rights and curtailed freedoms. Despite this, the company remains influential, producing entertainment and news content for a population with limited access to diverse media. The mention of the Taliban labeling Moby as a “military target” after a staff tragedy in 2016 underscores the risks involved in operating under such a regime.

Public Perception and Societal Impact

The article aims to evoke a sense of sympathy and understanding for the complex realities faced by Afghan media professionals. By showcasing the negotiations Mohseni is attempting with the Taliban, it sheds light on the ongoing struggle for women’s representation in media and public life. This narrative may resonate with international audiences concerned about human rights, particularly women’s rights, in Afghanistan.

Manipulation and Hidden Agendas

While the article presents Mohseni’s challenges authentically, it could also serve to mask the broader ramifications of the Taliban's policies on all aspects of life in Afghanistan. The focus on a single media figure may inadvertently downplay the collective suffering and loss of rights experienced by women and other marginalized groups under this regime. The language used in the article may evoke emotions, but it can also be seen as framing the situation in a way that seeks to garner support for media freedom without fully addressing the systemic oppression occurring.

Comparative Analysis

In comparing this article to others about Afghanistan, a pattern emerges where media coverage often centers around individual stories of resilience. This might create a disconnect from the larger systemic issues faced by the population, particularly women. Other reports may highlight the Taliban's abuses without providing a platform for voices like Mohseni's, which could be perceived as an attempt to balance the narrative.

Impact on Society and Economy

The implications of this article extend beyond media. Mohseni's efforts could influence public opinion regarding women's roles in society and the potential for media to challenge oppressive narratives. Economically, the survival of Moby Group reflects a certain resilience within Afghanistan's media landscape, but it also indicates a precarious state where businesses must align with the Taliban's ideologies to survive.

Community Support and Audience Engagement

The article likely appeals to international audiences, particularly those invested in human rights, media freedom, and gender equality. It may also resonate with Afghan expatriates who are concerned about the state of their homeland. By focusing on a media mogul's plight, it seeks to engage readers who may feel disconnected from the everyday realities faced by the majority of Afghans.

Global Market Implications

While the article focuses on local media dynamics, the situation in Afghanistan could indirectly affect global markets by influencing perceptions of stability in the region. Investors may be wary of entering markets that are perceived as unstable or oppressive. The media landscape, particularly as it pertains to women's rights, could be a factor in assessing the region's overall investment potential.

Geopolitical Relevance

In the broader context of global power dynamics, this article touches on issues that are increasingly relevant today. The Taliban's governance style and its implications for women's rights could have repercussions that resonate with ongoing discussions about democracy, human rights, and governance worldwide.

The potential use of AI in the crafting of this article is worth considering. While it is difficult to pinpoint specific AI involvement, elements of the narrative may reflect trends in automated reporting, particularly in the framing of stories that highlight individual experiences against systemic issues. The choice of language and the emphasis on Mohseni’s negotiations could suggest an AI model's influence in shaping a compelling narrative, although this is speculative.

Ultimately, while the article presents a compelling story, it is essential to approach it with a critical eye regarding the broader context of Afghanistan’s current state. The reliability of the information hinges on the balance it strikes between showcasing individual narratives and addressing systemic issues.

Unanalyzed Article Content

Saad Mohseni wants more female faces on his Afghan TV channel. He hopes he might get a deal with theTalibanfor him to air a historical drama – in which all the women have been through the menopause.

“If a woman menstruates, [the showing of an uncovered female face] is haram [forbidden], right?” Mohseni said. “But as soon as they go through, you know, menopause, then you can have them uncovered. It’s ridiculous, it’s so offensive. So now we try to negotiate with [the Taliban] to do a soap opera that’s going to have these women over the age of 50. We have to try.”

Mohseni, 58, described as Afghanistan’s first media mogul or the ‘Afghan Rupert Murdoch’ is the chief executive of Moby Group.

Founded by Mohseni and his siblings – Afghan emigres who returned to their childhood home from Australia after the removal of the Taliban in 2001 – Moby was the country’s largest media conglomerate until the Taliban returned to Kabul nearly four years ago.

What has been established since 2021 is a hardline Islamic emirate shunned by much of the world. Political and media freedoms have deteriorated sharply but, most glaringly, the rights of women have been swept away. Women have been erased from nearly every aspect of public life: schools, universities and most workplaces.

It might have been thought that such a regime would be the end of a media company in which Rupert Murdoch once had a stake and which lost seven members of staff in a suicide bombing in 2016 after being cited by the Taliban as a “military target”.

Yet the company remains, not just hanging on, but a dominant player in the Afghan market, producing TV and radio entertainment shows and a 24-hour news channel that employs about 400 people.

The result is an odd co-existence with the Taliban – a “strange dance”, as Mohseni put it – that offers an insight into the complicated politics in the country.

Mohseni was on a trip out of the country at the time of the chaotic and sudden withdrawal of the US in summer 2021, an event about which he says he had given the former Afghan president Ashraf Ghani repeated warnings. “I was very angry, and I’m still very angry about his arrogance,” he said of the president, who fled Kabul as his administration collapsed.

Mohseni has not been back to Afghanistan since, partly because he does not want to be seen to be endorsing the new regime. “The other [reason] is that there’s always the risk of them saying, ‘You can’t leave, you know, you’ve got important media assets, you’ll be our guest’”, Mohseni said.

Instead, he oversees affairs from his homes in Dubai and London. It was not clear at first whether he would have any affairs in Afghanistan to look after.

He wrote a memoir,Radio Free Afghanistan, after being locked out of his country, believing the empire he had built was dead in the water. But Moby has survived – albeit within tight confines.

The current rules are there is to be no criticism of the Taliban’s reclusive supreme leader, Hibatullah Akhundzada, he says.

Men and women cannot share the same space. A curtain separates the two sexes in Moby’s offices. A split screen is used to facilitate conversation during a show on his Tolo TV network. Female news presenters must have their hair and faces covered.The first show to be canceled wasAfghan Star, the popular music reality show based on American Idol and the X Factor,which was taken off air in 2021 followingthe Taliban’s ban on music.

“You know, women performing on stage and people voting for them … They are the enemies of fun, right?” Mohseni said. “It was understood that we would not be able to continue with that. With the [ending of] soap operas and so forth it was gradual.”

There has been more latitude given to Moby’s news operation.

“I’m not saying they have an appreciation for free press, but I think there’s an understanding of how important media is,” he said. “I think they need to have their announcements or whatever amplified, echoed. People need to understand. They need to be able to sell their narrative to the public.”

Mohseni’s journalists have been able to push to a degree, at one point confronting ministers over the extra judicial killings of opposition figures.

The male presenters also wore masks in solidarity with their female colleagues for a week and even persuaded a minister to try it out, before he complained that it was too difficult to breathe. “Afterwards, he threatened to lock my guy up,” Mohseni said.

There is, nevertheless, just enough space for the journalists to do their work to make it worthwhile, he said.

The news channel has heavily covered criticism of the Taliban’s ban of secondary education for girls. The regime had initially said the move was a temporary pause to allow it to reorganise the system.

As a result, Unesco reported about 1.4 million girls over the age of 12 have been deliberately deprived of schooling, with that number exceeding 2.5 million when taking into account those already kept out of education by their families.

“In 2024, we counted, we’ve done like two and a half or three thousand stories on girls education: town hall meetings, discussion, current affairs, programs, individual news stories,” Mohseni said. “It’s not just about like [former US secretary of state] Anthony Blinken says, ‘Girls need to go to school’. More importantly it was about Afghan voices and amplifying those voices, Taliban voices, religious voices, saying we need to allow our girls to go back to school.”

They also run educational programs on its Tolo TV network, supported by Unicef, that provides help to boys attending classes and the girls at home with mathematics, physics, biology and chemistry.

“Not even the Taliban will reinvent mathematics,” Mohseni said of the programmes which follow the national curriculum.

“It’s not an alternative to real education,” he added. “It’s sort of a band aid solution between when schools are banned and when they reopen. Whenever that may be, it’s a bridge. It may be a long bridge, but it’s a bridge.”

He is under no illusion the small freedoms could disappear, and that “on this trajectory, eventually, the country is going to become more conservative, more radical”. But there is still time to try to engage with the more reform-minded within the Taliban, he said.

“The movement itself is not monolithic,” Mohseni said. “You have different characters who view things, you know, sometimes more moderately or more pragmatically. And they all have ambitions.”

The country is nevertheless gripped by what Naheed Farid, a former member of the Parliament of Afghanistan, has described as a system of “gender apartheid”. Mohseni worries that the lack of international engagement will only exacerbate a trend towards ever greater repression. “You ignore Afghanistan at your peril,” he said.

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Source: The Guardian